No 2 (2025)

Abstract. Brazil's current level of development in the nuclear field is the result of a combination of a number of domestic, regional and international factors. Constant attention to the state of science and technological progress on the part of the state, the availability of its own sources of radioactive materials, and, most importantly, the political will of its leaders, who, regardless of ideological differences and political preferences, considered the development of the country's nuclear program (both for peaceful and military purposes) as an important component of the nation's economic progress, – all this has allowed Brazil to achieve serious success in this area. However, this would not have been possible without international cooperation. The historical analysis shows how and why the country's leadership has refocused from full dependence on US assistance to full-fledged cooperation within the BRICS framework.

We present here a work to rethink the concept of Popular Sovereignty, the basis for Political Science and for the so-called “International Relations” from a popular and decolonized perspective through a reflection on the thought and praxis of José Artigas. This leader of the Banda Oriental of Uruguay was, at the beginning of the 19th century, one of the references of the popular processes of colonial emancipation for the entire region. The originality of his work has provided elements that we present here with the aim of contributing to a redefinition of the aforementioned concept in relation to the current situation of our Latin America and the Caribbean. To do so, we analyze the doctrinal elements and its determining revolutionary context; the social basis of the Artigas movement; the processes of popular articulation that it encourages; and, from there, we propose some points of reflection for a resumption of the primacy of the concept of Popular Sovereignty and to enrich its use as an expression of the will of our peoples and as a positive determinant for the processes of regional integration.

The author defines the social factors of electoral behavior in the parliamentary elections in Spain on July 23, 2023, relevant for the voting. Long-term factors are social divisions between groups with high and low incomes, between supporters of centralization or secessionism, left and right. Economic growth after the pandemic has led to a decrease in the unemployment rate. This factor led to a decrease in support in the 2023 elections to new parties – Sumar and VOX, a significant increase in support for the center-right People’s Party (PP). The Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party (PSOE) is able to maintain influence while weakening coalition partners. Voters with reduced incomes reveal increased support for PP, PSOE and VOX, and voters with increased incomes reveal support for Sumar. Support for PSOE, PP and VOX is increasing in areas with high unemployment, while support for Sumar is decreasing. Voting in favor of PSOE and VOX is increased in local areas, where the proportion of people with higher education is reduced; support for Sumar is directly proportional to the level of education; support for PP does not have a distinct dependence on this factor. The electorate of PSOE and PP is older than VOX and Sumar. Areas of increased support for the main parties in autonomous communities and large cities have been established.

The article is devoted to the analysis of migration processes in Venezuela, starting from the 1930s, as well as to the study of the conditions of stay of Venezuelan migrants in the host countries of South America in the late 2010s and early 2020s. The factors that led to the change in the country structure of migration flows in the 1960s-1980s and to the turning point in the migration trend at the turn of the 1980s-1990s are considered. Particular attention is paid to the causes of the current migration crisis and the problems of Venezuelans in host countries. 

The historiography of the Caste War of Yucatan (1847–1901) generally perceives it as an ethnic or racial conflict between the “white” and the “Maya indian”. However, under this superficial historiographical or journalistic discourse of binary opposition lies a complex and perplexing picture of human resource policies of states’ armed forces. Consequently this article deals with a question of motives of ethnic Mayas’ volunteering into the state army and it’s perception by the “white” Yucatec society in the most tragic epoch of that war.

The reviewed book – written by Sandra Pujals - is the result of a study of the little-known history of the formation of the Communist movement in the Caribbean region, primarily in Puerto Rico. Based on previously unknown archive documents, the author was able to show the contradictions of the development of the revolutionary movement in Puerto Rico, the nature of relations between the Caribbean Bureau of the Comintern and the Communist Party of the United States in the formation of the Anti-Imperialist and Communist movements in the Caribbean, and managed to recover some unknown episodes of the biographies of participants in those events.