No 3 (2023)
LINGUISTICS
Verbs Derived From Adjectives: Telicity and Event Structure
Abstract
This article discusses the derivation of verbs from adjectives in two areally related languages, Hill Mari and Tatar (Mishar dialect). Such verbs in both languages are formed using the suffix -l, which, presumably, was borrowed into Hill Mari from the Turkic languages. In both cases, the suffix derives verbs of several structural types (inchoatives, causatives and unergatives), but the semantic relations between the original stem and the derived verb are not always predicted by the existing theories of the phenomenon. In particular, it is commonly assumed that the adjectives of the so-called open scales derive telic verbs by default, and the adjectives of closed scales derive atelic verbs. We show that this prediction is not always confirmed in the languages in question and present an overview of existing derivational models that differ from each other in terms of semantic relationships between the adjectival stem and the derived verb. Although most deadjectival verbs in Hill Mari and Tatar are expected to form telic verbs with an inchoative component (‘become A’), there are exceptions to this principle in both languages. In Hill Mari, telicity is associated exclusively with the closed scale of an adjective, while in Tatar it also correlates with non-zero change-of-state readings available with some verbs. In addition, in both languages, the unergative model is widely represented by atelic behavior-related verbs (‘behave in a manner associated with A’). We propose that in the latter case, adjectival stems undergo covert substantivization and can be integrated into an unergative structure, which does not violate any principles of known theories and does not require any additional assumptions. This proposal is consistent both with the fact that adjectives forming behavior-related verbs are also widely used as nouns in the languages under consideration, and the scale of an adjective correctly predicts telic properties of a verb.
Tomsk Journal of Linguistics and Anthropology. 2023;(3):9-21
9-21
The Image of a Woman in the Russian, Tatar and Khanty Phraseological Pictures of the World
Abstract
Most phraseological units that name a person do not contain in their semantic structure any reference to the actual biological sex of the person they denote. By their grammatical nature, Russian phraseological units have a masculine or feminine form expressed by the inflection of the main grammatical component. However, this form is usually not gender-specific and is used to refer to both a man and a woman (kisejnaya baryshnya, belaya vorona. Free translation: blue-haired girl, white crow). In Tatar and Khanty languages, there is no category of gender. Phraseological units denoting persons of both genders can be found mostly in Russian. In a small part of phraseological units it is possible to change the gender of the main grammatical component to denote persons of the opposite gender (zmeya podkolodnaya – zmej podkolodnyj. Free translation: snake in the grass(she/he)), the component is rarely replaced to identify the referent of the speech situation (bazarnaya baba – bazarnyj muzhik. Free translation: Gossipmonger (she/he)). The article presents the results of a comparative analysis of phraseological units characterizing only one woman in languages of different systems. Although phraseological units are a deeply national phenomenon, their analysis suggests that the signs of femininity and the features of the female behavioral model named by these units coincide in Russian, Tatar, and Kantian linguistic images of the world. The problems of gender identity, gender differentiation, and cultural conditioning align with the most popular humanitarian research today, which determines the relevance of this work. The article analyzes phraseological units reflecting ideas about the feminine principle or femininity, and their classification is made according to the classification of semantics and connotations. Feminine phraseological units in different linguistic cultures mainly characterize a woman’s physiological-anatomical, intellectual-psychological and socio-axiological features and the “world of women.” From the differences in the figurative basis of phraseological units characterizing a woman in the languages of neighboring peoples, one can infer a culturally universal approach to evaluating certain traits recognized as purely feminine.
Tomsk Journal of Linguistics and Anthropology. 2023;(3):22-34
22-34
Verbs of Falling in the Tatyshly Udmurt Language
Abstract
The article deals with verbs of falling (cf. in English: fall, drop, plummet, plunge, nosedive) in the Tatyshly subdialect of the Udmurt language (southern variant, peripheral-southern dialect). This domain has not yet been systematically studied based on Udmurt language material. The study relies on the frame-based approach to lexical typology, which proposes to describe semantics through collocation analyses of lexemes. The results are compared with the conclusions of the typological project and several language-specific articles on verbs of falling. The data were collected mainly by surveying native speakers (translation from Russian into Udmurt, evaluation and interpretation of sentences in Udmurt). Data from the Udmurt dictionaries and corpora are also considered. We analyze the main semantic oppositions in the domain of verbs of falling in the Tatyshly subdialect of the Udmurt language. First, it is the opposition between falling from above and changing from a vertical to a horizontal position. Second, a special verb for falling involves a subject’s destruction (typical of many languages). Third, there are a number of lexemes describing the movement of liquids and granular substances. We discuss their semantic properties, their connection to the falling of multiple subjects, and the constraints on their use in the latter contexts. Verbs of substance motion refer mainly to the falling of multiple small subjects, while larger subjects require dominant verbs of falling. Fourth, a special lexical item denotes the falling of a subject (either animate or, what is typologically curious, inanimate) onto its front. Finally, we discuss contiguity between the domain of falling and other domains (destruction, rotation, and other types of motion). The semantic reasons for colexification are formulated.
Tomsk Journal of Linguistics and Anthropology. 2023;(3):35-46
35-46
About the Pragmatic Features of the Mythological Prose of Altai
Abstract
The article is devoted to the pragmatic features of the mythological texts of the Altai from the point of view of the harmonization strategy. This harmonization takes place in the following directions: thanks to the myth, man adapts to the surrounding reality; the myth coordinates the actions and attitudes of the individual towards the surrounding natural world; the perception of the external world through the myth helps the individual to make the surrounding reality understandable (“to humanize”); the mythological worldview functions as a system of basic guidelines necessary for the interpretation of natural factors, enabling members of a given society to know how to behave; myths regulate and legitimize the life of an individual and a society, as they contain explanations and indications of norms for the proper behavior and perception of environmental reality. The various tactics used in these texts are examined from the point of view of harmonizing strategy, especially the statement, praise, blame, directives used to express narrative imperatives, and tactics of presentation, advice, and warning.
Tomsk Journal of Linguistics and Anthropology. 2023;(3):47-56
47-56
The Names of Large Domestic Animals in the Mongolian Languages in Comparison with the Bashkir Language and the Language of the Siberian Tatars
Abstract
This study aimed to scientifically process and comparatively analyze the names of domestic animals in the Khalkha-Mongolian, Old Mongolian, Buryat, and Kalmyk languages to identify common terms and determine their general Mongolian character. For comparison, parallels from the Bashkir language and the language of the Siberian Tatars were used to identify common Turkic-Mongolian terms for livestock associated with the names of domestic animals. We were able to determine that many of these terms are borrowed, and we were also able to determine that the terms associated with the camel in the Khalkha-Mongolian, Buryat, Kalmyk, and non-written Mongolian languages have a Turkic origin. Mongolian terms for cattle are also Turkic. The terms associated with horses have no Turkic equivalent.Further study of this vocabulary layer, especially from the comparative-historical aspect, will make it possible to explain the external influence of the Mongolian languages under which the Mongolian terminology of domestic animals was formed because the Khalkha-Mongolian, Buryat, and Kalmyk terms have parallel terms in the Turkic languages such as azarga, hyuleg, zhoroo, argamag, agta.
Tomsk Journal of Linguistics and Anthropology. 2023;(3):57-70
57-70
Ablatives in Nanaic Languages
Abstract
The article deals with the markers expressing ablative semantics in Nanaic varieties, including several Nanai dialects (Naikhin, Dzhuen, Gorin, and Bikin), Ulcha, Uilta, and Kili (Kur-Urmi). The study compiled a list of contexts with ablative and closely related semantics and analyzed which grammatical element is used in each context in each language variety. The study draws on textual data from a variety of sources, including our own field recordings, archival texts, and published texts. The final dataset shows several clusters of language varieties, meanings, and ablative markers. There are three clusters of Nanaic varieties based on the attested ablative cases: Naikhin and Dzhuen Nanai, Gorin Nanai and Uilta, and a random cluster of Bikin Nanai and Ulcha. The Kili variant stands out from these. The observed ablative markers cluster according to the meaning groups they cover: proper ablative markers, the ablative/instrumental marker -ǯi, prolative case markers -ki and -kki, which cover a near-prolative subset of the ablative domain, and a broader locative/prolative marker -la, which combines nearprolative meanings and sources of information or transmission. The Nanaic varieties show three stable polysemy patterns: ablative core meanings, near-prolative meanings, and physical and metaphorical transfer. Finally, there are two clusters based on the distribution of markers within the ablative domain: The first cluster includes Naikhin Nanai, Dzhuen Nanai, Kili, and possibly Bikin Nanai, while the second cluster includes Uilta and Ulcha. Gorin Nanai stands apart.
Tomsk Journal of Linguistics and Anthropology. 2023;(3):71-89
71-89
ANTHROPOLOGY
Between the Vakh and Taz River: On the Origin of the of Northern Selkups
Abstract
The article deals with some episodes of Selkup history in the valley of the river Vakh and on the adjacent territory of the upper Taz River in the first half of the 18th century and at the beginning of the 20th century. The main topics discussed are the following: the localization of the Tymskaya and Karakonskaya volosts, their divisibility and connection with certain groups of the local population, the details of the final process of migration of the Selkup and the formation of their ethnic boundaries with the Khanty. The study is mainly based on the analysis and comparison of archival data with the material of previous historical and ethnographic publications. As a result, the research adjusted the previously assumed boundaries of the Tymsky volost on the Vakh River and the neighboring Karakonskaya volost on the Taz River. It turned out that the Selkups of the Karakonskaya volost had left the Vakh River by 1740 and were already in the basin of the neighboring Taz River. It turned out that the period of relatively free migration of the Selkups had already ended in the middle of the 18th century. Later, there were only movements of small groups of Selkups and Khanty in the space between the Vakh and Taz rivers and in both directions. Having decreased significantly in the early 19th century, limited social communication between the populations of the two river basins did not cease even after a century. A significant part of the Selkups of the river Vakh and their elite remained faithful to their ethnic identity in the first decades of the 20th century.The final rupture of ties between the Selkups of the Upper Taz and the Selkups of the Vakh and the disappearance of the community of the Selkups of the Vakh occurred in the middle of the 20th century.
Tomsk Journal of Linguistics and Anthropology. 2023;(3):90-101
90-101
Personal Names of the Peoples of Bashkortostan: General Patterns of Development of the Names of Creativity and the Uniqueness of Cultures
Abstract
The article examines the personal names of the peoples of Bashkortostan in the context of the dynamics of ethnic traditions in the context of socio-political and economic changes, as well as the uniqueness of the polyethnic and polyconfessional environment. The general patterns are pointed out, and the difference in the emergence of Orthodox Russians, Bashkir Muslims, and Tatars, carriers of traditional ("pagan") religions of Udmurt and Chuvash, Lutherans, and Latvians becomes clear. In the chronological framework of the 20 – early 21 century, the change in the composition of names of ethnic groups was studied, and the direction from ethnocultural diversity to the formation of a common layer of name Sovietisms and international anthroponyms in the Soviet period was determined, and in the post-Soviet period – a return to some pre-Soviet traditions. Bashkirs, Tatars, and Russians return to the names that existed in pre-revolutionary times. The custom of having two, sometimes even three names was updated (official – for communication, secret – in a religious rite, and one for protection (talismans)). The "pagans" of the Udmurt do not return to the original ethnic anthroponyms because the names borrowed from the Turkic and Russian environment are considered "their own." Among the Chuvash "pagans", since the end of the 19 century, there has been a move away from ethnic "paganism," a transition to common Turkic and Slavic names now considered traditional. In turn, the representatives of the intelligentsia among the Orthodox Chuvash have a preference for pseudonyms – talismanic names of Turkic origin. Latvians, due to the rejection of Soviet power in the years after the revolution, did not have Soviet names but international words, which, however, sounded in their own way. It is concluded that the preservation of traditions is related to the plasticity of ethnic cultures, to the ability to coexist and interact with Soviet, non-ethnic, non-confessional customs to develop through renewal. The namesake of Ulkunda village demonstrates the diversity of ethnocultural phenomena in the Duvan district, which has traditional anthroponyms, Sovietisms, international names associated with toponyms, flora and fauna, chemical elements, household items, famous personalities, and innovations in society.
Tomsk Journal of Linguistics and Anthropology. 2023;(3):102-109
102-109
The Perspective of Interpreting Cultural Values Based on Folklore (Using The Example of Ethnic Groups in Kenya and Neighboring Regions)
Abstract
Folklore collections usually complement ethnographic studies, as folklore provides ethnographers with valuable sources of information. Extracting and analyzing different types of text information is a well-known technique in the humanities. Therefore, it is promising to use folklore as a source for exploring and interpreting cultural values. This article uses a value-based approach to the study of culture. It aims to examine the folklore of ethnic groups in Kenya and neighboring regions as a source for identifying and interpreting sociocultural values. The main contribution of this article to a model for teaching Russian as a foreign language in educational institutions in Kenya is to give an idea of the traditional values of the peoples of Kenya and to show the importance of folklore for teaching as it appears in the fairy tales of peoples around the world. African fairy tales convey certain morals and reflect ancestor worship, beliefs in spirits, talismans, and the forces of nature.Since it is difficult to obtain information directly from the peoples of Kenya, the idea of using folklore to interpret cultural values seems quite promising, especially given the efforts of the Kenyan intelligentsia to focus the attention of urbanized Kenyan youth on their native culture while they receive their school and university education in English.The article discusses examples of applying ethnographic analysis to African fairy tale material to interpret sociocultural values. It suggests that folklore reflects the combination of universal and ethno-national values in a particular way: The examples of values considered are universal, but their expression is ethnic.
Tomsk Journal of Linguistics and Anthropology. 2023;(3):110-118
110-118
The Inhabitants of the Tomsk Monastery of St. John the Baptist (1869–1917): The Experience of Prosopographical Research
Abstract
The article presents a collective portrait of the nuns and novices of the Tomsk monastery of St. John the Baptist from 1869 to 1917. The basis for the analysis is the lists of the monastery's residents for the given period. They are studied using the methods of prosopographic research, which allows us to determine from which places the women and girls came to the monastery, what social status and origin they had, what education they received, what activities they pursued in the monastery, as well as to trace the dynamics of changes in their status in the community. It turned out that most of the monastery's residents came from different regions of Siberia. However, among the novices and nuns were also those who had moved to Western Siberia from the regions of European Russia – immigrants to Siberia and novices, nuns who had been sent to the Tomsk monastery by the decision of the hierarchy. Among the residents, most were unmarried girls who had chosen to enter the convent. Widows were represented to a lesser extent. Women and girls of peasant origin and middle-class women dominated the class composition. However, origin from the lower classes did not affect the status of the resident women in the community. It was not determined by origin but by skills and abilities. Education was of particular importance, and the leadership of the monastic community encouraged the teaching of nuns to read and write. This enabled these nuns and novices to serve in the temple and also to teach at the monastery's theological school, whose work was an important part of the monastery's social service. The composition of the monastic community was stable, and the average length of stay of a resident in the monastery was 15 years or more. There were extremely rare cases of a sister leaving the convent. At the same time, the journey from a "probationary sister" to a nun could take ten years or more, as the age for taking religious vows was prescribed. Thus, the spiritual growth of the residents took place over many years, combined with the development of new skills and increasing education.
Tomsk Journal of Linguistics and Anthropology. 2023;(3):119-130
119-130
About the Results of a Trip to the Selkup Porg at the Parusovye Lakes
Abstract
The article describes the results of the author's trip to Selkup Porg - the image of the spirit on the tree, located on the fishing grounds on the river. Sailing, the right tributary of the middle Taz. The results of the trip include the scientific fixation of the monument and the ritual of feeding the spirit, as well as a number of conclusions drawn from the analysis of the collected material. The most important discovery of the study was the identification of a female spirit carved in a porg with the main Selkup deity, the Old Woman Ilyntyl Kota, described in detail in the works of E.D. Prokofieva, after which the Porg received a detailed characterization and a visualization of the divine Old Woman in a sculptural image. Moreover, the Porg of the Parusovs is her only verified image to date. The trip to the Porg confirmed that the belief in spirits and their magical power is still alive among the Selkups. However, changes were noted in relation to this spirit. Since the Old Woman depicted on the Porg is the mistress of all the Earth, all people living on Earth can look at her, make offerings to her, and ask her for protection and help, according to the Guardian. In the Selkup tradition, there was no such broad interpretation of the group of people who have access to the Porg, so this phenomenon is due to an innovation. The study has revealed the fact, still unknown to science, that the burial of the house spirits of three Selkup clans under a Porg tree provides a probable explanation.
Tomsk Journal of Linguistics and Anthropology. 2023;(3):131-139
131-139
Snow in the Yakut Habitat: Traditions and Modernity
Abstract
Based on the analysis of various ethnographic data and the author's field material, this article examines the use of snow for economic activities and a range of socio-cultural practices of the Yakuts in the mid-19th and 21st centuries. The principles of cryosophy and cryoanthropology, which suggest a positive perception of cold and the cryogenic processes and phenomena that accompany it, served as the methodological basis for the study, as did the increased attention given to the analysis of the role of cryogenic resources in the life of northern communities. We analyzed documents from the collections of the Irkutsk Region State Archives, the Scientific Archives of the Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences, the St. Petersburg Branch of the Archives of the Russian Academy of Sciences, the Manuscript Fund of the Archives of the Yakut Scientific Center of the Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences, information from scientific literature, and materials collected during the 2017–2023 expedition works in the Amginsky, Olekminsky, Srednekolymsky, Tattinsky, and Khangalassky administrative regions of Yakutia. As a result of the conducted work, it was found that snow is a source of drinking and industrial water, also it serves as a means of insulation of residential and commercial buildings, and cleaning things. Snow has found a wide application in the economic practices of the representatives of the ethnic group: Hunting, fishing, agriculture, livestock and horse breeding, and in making transportation connections. There are also a number of ethnic peculiarities in the use of snow. In particular, the Yakuts did not use snow to construct their houses. At the same time, the nature of settlement by the representatives of the ethnic group and their preference for lakes led to the emergence of a number of unique traditional winter practices based on the use of snow. It should be noted that over time, with socio-economic, cultural, and technological development, snow, as a resource for ensuring the life of the representatives of the Yakut ethnic group, began to lose its position. It is concluded that the current stage, in addition to the preservation of a number of well-known household methods, is characterized by the actualization of the importance of snow in general, cryogenic processes, and phenomena as a resource that forms the tourist potential of Yakutia.
Tomsk Journal of Linguistics and Anthropology. 2023;(3):140-153
140-153
About the Stages of a Person's Life in the Tradition of Age Counting Among the Altaians
Abstract
The most important principle of the communication culture of the Altaians is respect for a person’s age, which is determined based on the 12-year "animal" calendar. Ages located in time function as successive stages of a person's life and are the subject of this article. In introducing the source base (field and published ethnographic and folklore material) into the scientific cycle, methodological research tools based on a combination of a comparative historical analysis method and methods of describing and systematizing the collected material were used. The study's relevance lies in the fact that against the devaluation of traditional family values in the context of globalization, the experience of intergenerational relations among Altaians is of interest.It was found that Altaians use two or three age-counting systems in parallel – the 12-decimal system, the 10-decimal system, and the 20-decimal system. It is noticeable that in the Altaic language, the word “jash” is used to refer to the concept of “year” as a unit of age counting, as opposed to the year “jyl” as an astronomical phenomenon (a series of seasons). The views of the Altaians about the return of "their" year after 11 lived years are determined, as well as the reasons for the passing century, including six calendar cycles (72 years). Ritual behaviors observed in the year one was born under a particular animal are described, revering the animal under whose mark one was born. Age definitions and idioms are given so that the number of years lived is not mentioned, while number symbolism (an even number in relation to the world of the living), a stereotype of thinking in traditional Altaic culture, is observed. A comparison of the age characteristics of old people with inanimate and insignificant objects of everyday life (a crutch, a block of wood, a stirring rod, a mortar), but not with characteristics of animals (a dog, a squirrel, a wolf, a camel), which are peculiar to young animals, is emphasized. It is concluded that the age calendar periods in the life of a person represent the polar halves: at the age of 12, 24, 36, and 48 years, characterized by an increasing and progressive tendency, at the age of 60 and 72 years, associated with aging and declining line. In connection with the three festivals of life – birth, marriage, and death – a person's physical entry and social descent are manifested.
Tomsk Journal of Linguistics and Anthropology. 2023;(3):154-164
154-164
REVIEWS
165-171