Volume 25, Nº 3 (2025): Celebrating the 70th Anniversary of the Bandung Conference: The Evolving Role of Asian and African Countries in World Politics

The article commemorates the 100th anniversary of the birth of Patrice Emery Lumumba, a national hero of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), one of the most prominent leaders of the African anti-colonial movement, and the first Prime Minister of an independent country. In the late 1950s and early 1960s, his homeland became an arena for confrontation between the African liberation forces and the West, which was interested in maintaining its position in the mineral-rich country in Central Africa. In modern terms, as African countries strive to assert their sovereignty and security, strengthen their presence in the global economy and politics, it is crucial for them to rely on historical experience, taking into consideration the successes and failures of the period of struggle for independence and decolonization. Using the biographical method, the article undertakes a comprehensive analysis of the development of an individual’s life strategy as a social subject in interaction with society, examining how the environment and socio-cultural circumstances affect a person’s beliefs and behavior, and the subsequent manifestations of a unique and typical character. The research is grounded in a comprehensive examination of P. Lumumba’s speeches, correspondence, and published articles. Additionally, it draws upon annual collections of Belgian and Congolese documents on the situation in the country (1959-1961), published in Brussels. P. Lumumba’s personality was shaped by a specific system of the Belgian colonial administration. P. Lumumba was a highly intelligent individual hailing from a humble peasant background. He was a talented organizer and an excellent orator. Thanks to his natural abilities, hard work and self-education, he became one of the most respected politicians of the DRC on the eve of and in the first year of its independence. P. Lumumba founded a new political party, the Congolese National Movement, which was the only party to deviate from narrow ethnic interests. The main tenets of the program can be summarized as follows: the formation of an independent, unified, integral and indivisible Congo; the organization of the public sector, which controls the mining industry, to pursue an independent course in the economic field and in foreign policy; overcoming tribalism and regionalism; creating a just society without poverty and exploitation. In foreign policy, he focused on neutrality and Pan-Africanism. The article analyzes how, during the Cold War, such a radical policy and uncompromising stance of P. Lumumba turned the West and pro-Western forces inside the Congo against him, which caused a crisis in the country that led to the assassination of the Prime Minister. The different assessments of P. Lumumba’s activities primarily stem from the varying political positions of researchers and politicians, as well as from the contradictory worldview and the lack of formality of the politician’s own program.

The article examines the role of the Republic of Kenya in providing security beyond the African continent and the potential of an ad hoc coalition formed of “secondary” states as an alternative to institutionalized collective security systems in the context of new forms of peacekeeping development. In the 2020s, it became evident that the liberal peacebuilding paradigm was not applicable to Haiti. At present a failed state could not resist the growth of gangsterism without external military support, which has led to a serious security crisis. In October 2023, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) authorized the deployment of the Kenya-led Multinational Security Support mission (MSS) to assist the Haitian authorities in confronting urban gangs. The mission’s mandate was extended in September 2024. The deployment of this mission signals the start of a new cycle of external intervention in Haiti. The purpose of this article is to analyze the experience and lessons of the formation and functioning of a stabilization ad hoc coalition involving “secondary” states, and the role of the leader state (by the example of Kenya) in a changing international environment. The study’s methodology is based on interdisciplinary, historical and systemic approaches. It is stated that the readiness of the Republic of Kenya to lead the coalition forces demonstrates an increased ability of African states to play a leading role in providing security beyond the continent. However, the deployment of the international mission has been significantly delayed. Currently, the stabilization forces have very limited resources and capabilities with which to support the Haitian national police. A thorough examination of the initial phase of the MSS in Haiti confirms the working hypothesis that the effectiveness of the coalition forces is associated with the role of a leading state with international authority and resources for a stabilization or peacekeeping operation. The experience of the initial stage of the coalition forces’ mission revealed a gap between the ambitions of “secondary” states and their capacity to conduct coalition operations independently. Along with the common difficulties of providing predictable and sustainable funding for similar operations, the MSS faced a number of national-level challenges related to the establishment of a legal framework for the deployment of Kenyan peacekeepers to Haiti, as well as a lack of support from the Kenyan opposition and public. It is noted that the United States (US) continues to patron “failed states” and creates coalitions with “secondary” states, involving them in the US geopolitical goals in the Caribbean region achievement.

The article examines the theoretical and practical aspects of the derivative power usage in international relations, as well as the concept of “bridge” states which connect different, and even competing, centers of power, thereby gaining their edge in the global arena. Consequently, the authors view such states as the actors most actively and efficiently using derivative power. Furthermore, the authors distinguish the specific features of the circulation approach to the phenomenon of power in international relations, as well as the characteristics of “bridge” states. The article distinguishes several features within political-geographic, historical-cultural, and legitimacy-based aspects. These include playing a balancing act between large states and groups with their membership, the absence of direct regional threats, ethno-cultural pluralism and also both internal and external acceptance of such a middle status. The theoretical part also explains the differences and similarities between neutral and “bridge” states, thereby facilitating a more profound comprehension of the latter category. Then, the authors analyze the foreign policies of Singapore and Indonesia, using a comparative method based on the basis of nine criteria. In this way, the article exemplifies possible variations from the ideal type, as well as it illustrates the ability of big actors, such as Indonesia, to use derivative power in foreign relations. It is worth pointing out that both the conceptual explanations and empirical data provided in the article facilitate further study of the internal and external conditions which determine whether a state gains or loses its “bridge” state status. Furthermore, the article shifts the focus from various groups and alliances to the types and principles of connectivity in international relations.

The article focuses on specific aspects of the history of the Kashmir conflict, which emerged in October and November 1947, including the role of political leaders of India, Kashmir and Pakistan. The author clarifies the circumstances surrounding Kashmir’s accession to the Indian Union and the positions of the Indian, Kashmiri, and Pakistani authorities in the context of the invasion of Pashtun militants into the territory of the State. The novelty of the study lies in its use of unpublished documents on Kashmir’s accession to the Indian Union from the collections of the National Archives of India, obtained by the author during her research trips to the Republic of India. Published documents from the National Archives of India, which had not previously been included in scientific circulation, were also used. Through an objective and critical analysis of sources, the author concludes that the Kashmir problem emerged as a result of the dismemberment of colonial India became possible due to a subjective factor too, the lack of political will of the Maharaja of Kashmir, Hari Singh, and the use of his inaction and indecision by the parties to the conflict. Although the Pakistani leadership, including Governor-General Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan, did not initiate aggression against Kashmir and Maharaja Hari Singh personally, they were fully aware of the Pashtun terrorist raid on Kashmir and the invasion of its territory. Official Karachi did not take any measures to detain the armed group and prevent the bloody raid on Kashmir because of its fear of causing a negative reaction from the Pashtun tribes of the North-West Province of Pakistan, anti-government protests and actions. Maharaja Hari Singh was unable to ensure the security of its borders and appealed to Karachi for help, but received no response. His decision to join the Indian Union was a forced measure, but it was precisely this that saved the State. Delhi did not make immediate accession to the Indian state a mandatory condition for providing assistance to Kashmir, leaving the right to make this historic decision to the Kashmiris through a plebiscite. The Deputy Prime Minister of India, Vallabhbhai Patel, played a significant role in deciding to send an Indian landing force to save Kashmir. To this day, the Kashmir crisis, one of the longest in the world, alternately goes into a latent phase and then flares up again, as Pakistan does not recognize the legitimacy of the princely state’s integration into India.

After the collapse of the bipolar system of international relations, the contemporary macro-region of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) still encompasses more than two dozen states that differ in terms of their political regimes, economic models and levels of socio-economic development. The region also experiences a variety of conflicts, divided by type into interstate, internal, and hybrid with the participation of both states and non-state actors (NSA). Furthermore, these conflicts can be categorized as territorial, ideological, political, ethnic, religious, and economic, and can vary in intensity and degree of internationalization. The contradictory nature of MENA is manifested by the parallel genesis of the foci of sustainable development, which determine the interest of states in establishing long-lasting peace. This is correlated with the significant role of MENA as a transit point in global logistics projects, such as the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative and the India - Middle East - Europe transport corridor. The uncertainty surrounding the political and military scenarios on which MENA countries depend highlights the importance of expert assessments and forecasts, which explains the relevance of the topic of the present study. The author sets out to prove the thesis that, despite the escalation of tensions and the failure of the US’s attempts to “pacify” the region on a monetary basis, mostly taking into account the interests of Israel, but not other countries, the chances of avoiding a large-scale regional war remain. Facing the transition from the unipolar to a multipolar world, this could be linked to both the sovereignization of the foreign policies of MENA countries and the diplomacy of the new global centers of power, including Russia and China. Based on a wide range of Russian and foreign sources together with his own field research data, the author applies the principle of historicism using a systemic approach and analyzing processes in retrospective dynamics. The novelty of the research lies in the fact that the author, guided by the principle of the connection between theory and practice and turning to the theory of deeply divided societies (DDSs), introduces the concept of “deeply divided region” (DDR) into the scientific domain. The practical significance of the study is embodied by a few recommendations for implementing the 2023 Concept of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation.

The issue of information and communication technology (ICT) security is becoming increasingly important in the context of international relations and foreign policy. In the present study, the authors analyze the discourse of the Joseph Biden administration in the field of international ICT security in the Latin American dimension, with the aim of identifying the underlying ideology that supports and justifies the U.S. power relations with the region. The scientific novelty of the present study lies in the integrated application of the critical discourse analysis (CDA) method, which allows examining how language practices shape ICT security perceptions and political reality. In addition, the study employs quantitative content analysis, which provides insights into attributed threats, primarily among state actors. The authors conduct the CDA at the contextual and discursive levels. The study’s extensive source base includes materials from U.S. government agencies, encompassing the period from January 2021 to November 2024. The authors critically examine the image of the United States as an agent constructing international ICT security in the Latin American dimension from the perspective of its hegemonic aspirations. The image of Latin America as a region vulnerable in the ICT space and in need of paternalism from Washington is a significant element of the U.S. discourse. At the same time, the images of China and Russia are presented as the main sources of threat to the region to justify the dominant role of the United States. In the background of American discourse, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) and the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) are presented as limited but growing threats to ICT security. These discursive practices serve as a tool to legitimize American influence and promote its strategic interests in the region.

In the context of growing global instability and the fundamental transformation of the global economic system, it is becoming increasingly urgent for the Russian Federation to diversify its foreign economic relations and strengthen its geopolitical position. One of the partners whose importance to Russia is growing today is the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA), which is also seeking to expand the scope of its international cooperation and stabilize domestic, regional and international processes. The objective of this study is to provide a comprehensive characterization of the trade and economic partnership between Russia and Saudi Arabia during the period 2010-2023. It is demonstrated that the Russian-Saudi partnership experienced a renaissance at this stage. Trade cooperation between the two countries has grown over the past decade, and dialogue in energy and other areas of economic and political cooperation has intensified. The regulatory framework for bilateral cooperation has been improved. Statistical methods have been used to identify the dynamics of mutual trade and the modern features of bilateral economic relations, including the high dependence of bilateral relations on the personal connections of senior management and external factors, the continued limited scope of cooperation with some growth in their areas, as well as the narrowness of the commodity range of mutual trade. Despite the progress recorded in Russian-Saudi relations during the period under study, the authors concluded that the level of these relations should not be overestimated, as their state can be defined as a “timely alliance.” Saudi Arabia, which has remained a strategic ally of the United States in the Persian Gulf for decades, is quite pragmatic and cautious about building relations with the Russian Federation. Bilateral relations continue to be influenced by both domestic, regional and global factors, as well as external actors. In particular, it is possible to impose secondary US sanctions on Saudi Arabia as a Russian trading partner. Therefore, according to the authors, the approach of the Russian Federation should be mirrored while also being more proactive in shaping goals and objectives that ensure national interests and appropriate political and economic actions.

Since the establishment of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1949, the United States has been actively using unilateral economic measures (sanctions) against China. After the start of the normalization of political relations between the two nations in the 1970s, the number of restrictive measures decreased, covering only narrow areas of trade by the early 2000s. However, during the first term of Donald Trump’s presidency, sanctions were reintroduced into the U.S. policy arsenal towards China. Though this issue has been widely examined in academic literature, several gaps still remain in current research. China has proven to be too specific case for studies employing quantitative data on sanctions against numerous countries, and gaps continue to remain even in sources that solely analyze the Chinese case. Existing research also tends to focus only on the current political situation, while few studies explore the issue in its historical depth. By examining U.S. sanctions against the PRC, ways in which China has adapted to these sanctions, reciprocal measures taken by China, as well as the reasons for the slow escalation and de-escalation of sanctions, both at the present stage and in historical hindsight, the following research aims to fill in the remaining gaps in understanding U.S. - China sanctions. The Chinese case deviates from the established theoretical premise in existing literature that a change in the political course of the target country is a fundamental criterion for assessing the effectiveness of sanctions. However, sanctions have proven to be effective even if the above-mentioned objective is not achieved. Signaling and deterrence make up for the shortcomings in forcing a target country to change its foreign or domestic policies. The use of sanctions as a signaling tool may help explain why U.S. approaches to sanction de-escalation and escalation are cautious in nature. Drastic measures may prove to be redundant for sending political signals, while moderate actions are more suitable in this regard. The imposition of U.S. sanctions as a tool to deter China’s advancement in the high-tech sector has contributed to an increase in Beijing’s efforts to develop its own restrictive measures. The methodology utilized for this research includes an analysis of documents reflecting the U.S. sanctions policy against China and the recent countermeasures developed by the PRC.

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