No 1 (122) (2024)
Articles
K 96-letiyu akademika V.V. ZhURKINA
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2024;(1 (122)):5-6
5-6
Yuri Borko – a Founder of European Integration Studies in Russia
Abstract
Regional integration studies constitute a relatively young area of academic knowledge since regional integration emerged as a new phenomenon in international relations after the Second World War. Professor Yuri Antonovich Borko who is turning 95 in February 2024, is an influential scholar and one of the founders of the Soviet and Russian school of European studies. This article aims to reveal his role in gaining and disseminating of new knowledge about regional integration processes. To do this, the author first traces the main milestones of Professor Borko’s academic path. Then the most important contributions to the literature (based on the criteria of novelty, valuable insight and confirmed forecasts) are pointed out in their interconnection with the international academic advance in the relevant areas of research. Finally, the key achievements of professor Borko in spreading knowledge, graduate and postgraduate teaching are assessed, shedding light on the innovative educational methods employed and illustrating his distinct personality profile. The findings suggest that the most valuable results of professor’s Borko research relate to the areas of the EU social policy, the evolution of the European idea, the interrelation between deepening and widening in the integration process. His reasoning about universal and specific features of the EU experience proves seminal for the national research community. A number of publishing projects and networking activities within the Association of European Studies initiated by professor Borko notably facilitated the establishment of research schools in international relations in Russian regions.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2024;(1 (122)):7-23
7-23
In Search of a New Strategy of the Franco-German Tandem: Domestic Political Factors
Abstract
The article addresses internal political factors that may influence the search for a new common strategy for the Franco-German tandem. The relevance of the article is determined by the lack of alternatives for in-depth cooperation between partners, who are currently forced to develop a joint approach towards the EU reform and clarify the prospects for acceptable convergence of their own socio-economic models. The first part of the article (“France at a crossroads”) analyses the features of the modern development of France and draws a conclusion about the limited freedom of maneuver for President E. Macron to implement his declared reform program. The second part (“The Beginning of a New Transformation in Germany”) argues that Germany has entered a stage of largescale transformations. Politicians and citizens do not know the completion dates of the transformations, the results and the amount of expenses. In the third part (“Strategic Seminar in Hamburg”) the authors show why France and Germany are returning to the concept of shared responsibility. They also reflect on how partners intend to overcome asymmetry and objective differences and urge to monitor and analyse Franco-German tandem developments to clarify the resources necessary for the successful implementation of Russian national programs and adjust the timing of their implementation.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2024;(1 (122)):24-38
24-38
Strategy on China in the Foreign Policy of Germany: Correlation of Values and Interests
Abstract
The article addresses the preparation and context of Germany’s China Strategy. It aims to analyse a complicated process of reaching consensus in regard to China via intraparty debates in German coalition government. The authors examine China’s leadership and official reaction to the statements by German government, to the UN documents and visits and contacts of German officials with their counterparts in Taiwan and Hongkong. German government and Bundestag documents as well as those of the Federal Foreign Office were used as primary sources. The Chinese Communist Party documents, the Chinese leaders’ and foreign policy officials’ statements and speeches, the UN reports were also analysed. The authors highlight close and complicated interconnectedness between different economies in the world. All international actors are required to reach a compromise between national interests (including protection of sovereignty and security) and pragmatic goals of business development and the state of livelihoods. Consideration of counterpart’s interests, security issues and unacceptability of escalation are the conditions for achieving mutual understanding between two countries.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2024;(1 (122)):39-52
39-52
NATO Public Diplomacy in the Mediterranean‒Black Sea Region
Abstract
The article analyzes the main forms and methods of NATO’s public diplomacy in the Mediterranean-Black Sea region in the context of significant geopolitical processes taking place in this regional space. The aim of the study is to provide a comprehensive assessment of the policy of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization in the field of public diplomacy in one of the most strategically important regions of the world. The main objectives include the consideration of the key areas of the NATO Public Diplomacy Division’s work, the analysis of the projects implemented by the Alliance in the sphere of public diplomacy, as well as determining their impact on the geopolitical processes in the Mediterranean-Black Sea region. In order to achieve the overall goal general scientific theoretical methods such as analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction and comparison are used. The conclusion is made that in recent decades the North Atlantic Alliance has been trying to strengthen its potential in the sphere of public diplomacy in the Mediterranean-Black Sea region by various methods because of its strategic importance. Moreover, in the near future NATO will increase its activity in this regional area. Special attention will be paid to developing relations with potential candidates for membership, such as Bosnia and Herzegovina, Georgia, and Ukraine. Besides, in the medium term, NATO will continue to actively cooperate with Moldova and Serbia, which, despite their officially declared neutral status, are gradually moving closer to the Alliance. Most of the ongoing public diplomacy projects will be openly anti-Russian, because NATO initiatives will be aimed at ousting Russia from the humanitarian sphere of the Mediterranean-Black Sea region’s states.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2024;(1 (122)):53-63
53-63
French Centrism after the 2022 Elections: Strategy and Prospects
Abstract
The article examines the political strategy of the centrist Democratic Movement (MoDem) party and its leader François Bayrou during the presidential and parliamentary elections of 2022 and at the beginning of the second presidency of Emmanuel Macron. At this stage, the MoDem is an important element of the ruling majority, having a stable fraction in the National Assembly, which has consolidated its influence against the background of the growing socio-economic crisis in the country. MoDem remains a unitary political structure, focused on the figure of Bayrou and his circle of close associates. In political terms, the party positions itself as the center-left, which gives it the opportunity to prevent the government majority from shifting to the right, influence the appointment of some figures in the government and express its point of view on current policy. Bayrou still defends the transition to a proportional electoral system, criticises the implementation of pension reform, and supports the environmental initiatives of the government. The main guideline for the centrists was the idea of “agreement” in order to prevent the imbalance in institutions and the deepening of the crisis in the country. At the same time, they are committed to the traditional Christiandemocratic culture, which was expressed towards the issue of including the right to abortion in the Constitution. The prospects of MoDem and Bayrou will be determined by the new electoral cycle (municipal and regional elections), the level of local voter support and the political configuration within the majority (for example, an alliance with Eduard Philippe) in the context of the presidential elections of 2027.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2024;(1 (122)):64-76
64-76
The Permeability of the “Cordon Sanitaire” against Eurosceptics in the European Parliament
Abstract
Based on voting protocols and debate minutes for the Carbon border adjustment mechanism (CBAM) hearings in the European Parliament in 2022–2023 the cases where positions of MEPs from political groups “Identity and Democracy” and “European Conservatives and Reformists” coincided with those of parliamentarians from other parties (particularly opponents from “The Left” and “The Greens”) were analysed. These actions bypassing the “sanitary cordon” were explored together with the content of the CBAM, which made possible to identify the main motivations of MEPs’ voting. Such cases of solidary vote allowed to evaluate the strength of this barrier, the applicability of theories of two-dimensional nature of ideological space and the prospects of coordinated actions of selected parties after the European parliament elections 2024. These ad hoc coalitions were facilitated by the differences in attitudes to amendments. Among significant factors ensured Eurosceptic MEPs to express the same views were reluctanсe to transfer additional competences to the EU bodies and willingness to support the European industry. Supranationality and deindustrialisation are considered to be more imminent threats than climate change. The article explores a two-dimensional structure of ideological space of the given activity. Close relations between left-wing and right-wing parties could be explained by similarity of political views (i. e Euroscepticism in attributed not only to far-right politicians).
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2024;(1 (122)):77-87
77-87
Brexit, Science and Higher Education: Legal Problems and Regulatory Dilemmas of Disintegration
Abstract
The purpose of the study is a dialectical consideration of the sphere of science and higher education as a factor influencing the development of integration interaction between integration entities and member states and preventing disintegration. The authors substantiate that over the years of EU membership, the United Kingdom has become a highly integrated state that has received numerous benefits in the field of science and higher education, for which Brexit can be considered a step back. The concluded agreements between London and Brussels, as well as the adopted British legislation, on the one hand, contributed to a decrease in the flow of students and representatives of the academic community to the UK, and on the other, became an obstacle to the UK’s participation in projects for organizing mobility and developing the potential of universities within the framework of EU educational and research programs, previously making up a significant portion of UK university funding. As a result, the British government did not give up attempts to restore a high degree of interaction with the EU in this area. Following Windsor Framework Agreement, the two parties agreed on UK’s participation in European programs on an equal basis with colleagues from EU member states and access to appropriate funding, which, however, only partially compensates for the negative consequences of ending membership in EU. The authors emphasize that Brexit confirms that international interaction in science and higher education is an important factor in strengthening integration construction, which is fully relevant for the development and strengthening of integration of states within the Eurasian Economic Union.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2024;(1 (122)):88-102
88-102
The Position and Political Discourse of Russian Parties in Latvia and Estonia in the New Geopolitical Reality
Abstract
The study analyses the position and political discourse of Russian parties in Latvia and Estonia in the context of the special military operation in Ukraine. The analysis is conducted along the lines of interaction of Russian parties with one another, as well as with the government, the Russian diaspora and Russia. The empirical basis of the study is the data of the central election commissions of Latvia and Estonia. The speeches of Russian party leaders about the special military operation are also analysed. The main differences in the representation of the ethnic component of the discourse in the preelection programmes were revealed. Based on this, conclusions are drawn about the different degree of ethnic identity of parties as a criterion reflecting the degree of positioning of a political force as a representative of the interests of a national minority. It was recorded that Russian parties are characterised by different rhetoric regarding the conflict in Ukraine. Some parties preferred silence or neutrality, while the largest Russian parties in the 2000s (“Harmony” and the Estonian Centre Party) chose a hostile stance towards the Russian government. This fact together with the low representation of the ethnic component in their programmes was an important factor that significantly reduced their electoral support in regions with Russian population and in the country. At the same time, the process of fragmentation of the Russian electorate is taking place in the countries under consideration due to the growing number of political actors articulating its interests.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2024;(1 (122)):103-116
103-116
The Eastern Mediterranean Pipeline (EastMed) as an Element of Supply Diversification
Abstract
The article analyses the emergence of a new sub-region within the Wider Mediterranean, called the Eastern Mediterranean. The author emphasises that the key condition for the allocation of a separated sub-region was the discovery of significant gas resources on the regional sea shelf, which led to the intensification of long-standing disputes between local powers, further regional militarisation, making of new groups and alliances. In this regard, the article examines the processes of diversification of energy resources and the project of the Eastern Mediterranean gas pipeline (EastMed). The main purpose is to consider the prospects and difficulties that arose during the EastMed development. The objective of the study includes exploring the positions of the core regional states (Greece, Republic of Cyprus, Italy, Turkey, Israel) and the global powers (the EU, the USA, Russia). A systematic approach and situational analysis were applied to achieve the set objectives. The article reveals that in the current geopolitical conditions the EastMed project has acquired strategic importance for the EU, its member states and partners. For the Republic of Cyprus, Greece, Italy, and Israel the implementation of EastMed will strengthen their own energy security, existing and new interregional ties, and increase their role in the EU’s common energy policy. Turkey is the main opponent, which will do everything to prevent EastMed from taking place. The United States, which was initially interested in the project, due to environmental and financial reasons, stopped supporting it after Joe Biden came to power.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2024;(1 (122)):117-128
117-128
SOVREMENNAYa INNOVATsIONNAYa POLITIKA, ORIENTIROVANNAYa NA MISSII (primer Germanii)
Abstract
New trends in global economic development, such as the processes of transnationalisation, economic and energy crises, gaps in foreign trade and logistics chains, challenges of modern technological development, intensify the competition of companies in world markets. The governments of the developed countries and large multinational corporations are actively engaged in radical transformation of the modern social and economic world development model on the basis of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Germany is at the forefront of this global agenda. According to the German government, the development and introduction of transformative innovations is one of the tools that brings the world closer to sustainable development model. Such innovations do not only lead to technical progress, but also solve important social problems. To force through rapid modernisation German government has chosen a time-tested method – mission-oriented innovation policy (MOIP). State becomes the leading actor of the national innovation system, setting the goals of technological development and mobilising economic resources required to achieve these goals. For the first time, the missions of innovation policy were formalised in government documents in 2018. In early 2023 the new German government updated the drafting and composition of the missions. This article discusses the theoretical foundations of the MOIP approach to the formation of government innovation policy, describes the missions of the innovation policy of Germany, approved in 2018 and 2023, and examines the practical results of the implementation of some missions in 2018‒2022 on the example of renewable energy technologies introduction, building up battery cell production in Germany, developing clean mobility, putting German indigenous artificial intelligence technologies into practical application, digital healthcare, creating sustainable circular economies.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2024;(1 (122)):129-141
129-141
Africa in British Security Strategy after Brexit: Risks, Instruments, Prospects
Abstract
The UK after withdrawal from the EU and guided by the ideas of “Global Britain”, proclaimed itself a leading state with global interests. The rationale behind it is not only to declare ambitions, but practically implement them, taking into consideration security challenges on national, regional and global levels. Africa plays an ambiguous role in this configuration which affects both security in the UK (migration and the activities of British companies). In addition, the risks associated with competition in Africa directly affect the UK prospects in the region and its position in the world. It is not surprising that Britain plans to strengthen its presence in Africa through interaction with African countries in the field of security. Based on strategic documents dedicated to security British experts’ discussions, the role of Africa in British international strategy is analyzed. The author concludes that despite the significant efforts, the UK tools are seriously limited by their own allies in Africa, not to mention China and Russia. It is argued that currently UK just initiated its return to Africa. At the same time, the emphasis in further advancement in Africa will no longer be made by the British on military cooperation, which will continue with a minimum number of countries (Kenya, Nigeria), but rather on financial and investment instruments, as well as programs related to “soft power” still related to security issues.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2024;(1 (122)):142‒154
142‒154
Trends in the Evolution of the European City
Abstract
The article examines the relevant trends in the development of a modern European city using socio-cultural methodology and the systematic approach. The study demonstrates that the evolution of the European urban space is now taking place holistically, affecting the unity of the social, natural and individual dimensions of urban life. The proposed system of trends in the evolution of the European city is considered in the article as an interdependent triad of creativity, smart development and inclusivity and at the same time an actual standard in the ongoing theoretical discussions about the “good city” and their practical applications. The foundation of the movement towards the optimal functioning of the European city rests on the creatively formulated goals of urbanisation. It is revealed that without creativity, neither movement towards sustainable urban development nor the productive evolution of inclusive urban strategies is possible. It is established that at this stage of the formation of the information society in Europe, it is the expansion of the inclusiveness of urban living spaces that is the most difficult problem to solve, both because of its complexity and the lack of a consensual theoretical foundation for its vision. It is demonstrated that theoretical research of this kind is largely positively correlated with the strategies recorded in official EU documents, as well as the participation of supranational structures in financing urbanisation programmes. In the second quarter of the XXI century in order to optimise this problematic urban scenario it will be necessary to adopt and then implement some absolutely non-trivial strategies, the content of which is not yet completely obvious.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2024;(1 (122)):155-165
155-165
Russia and Japan: Shaping Images
Abstract
Until 1853, when the decision was made to “open” the country, relations between Russia and Japan, or rather their absence, were determined primarily by Japanese policy, which closed the country to foreigners, making an exception for the Dutch and Chinese. An important role in these relations was also played by the per- ception of each other, formed under conditions of Japanese opposition to the Russian desire to establish trade relations with the neighboring country. In Russia there were several sources of knowledge about it (first of all, from European and Chinese). With few exceptions, information from the Japanese, who came to Russia because of to shipwreck in the 17th century, was of little interest. The vast majority of the Japanese were sailors or fishermen and their knowledge of the country was not extensive. In addition, despite the efforts of Peter the Great to prepare translators from Japanese, their level of knowledge did not always meet the necessary standards. As an exception can be considered the information about Japan received from Daikoku Kodayu during his stay in Russia from 1787 to 1791. However, unlike in Japan, where knowledge about Russia was carefully collected and documented, what Kodayu told about his country did not become a source of systematised study of the neighboring country. Japan received knowledge about Russia from the Chinese, Portuguese and Dutch, as well as from some Japanese. Among them, first of all, it is necessary to note Kodayu, who told in detail to Shogun Ienari and his advisers about Russia. All this information was systematised and classified for many years.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2024;(1 (122)):166‒180
166‒180
Russian Orthodoxy in Spain: a Look through History
Abstract
In the article on the basis of the collection “Russian Orthodox Church in Spain from the middle of the XVIII to the beginning of the 21st century” published in 2023. Archpriest Andrei Kordochkin, Doctor of Philosophy and Candidate of Theology analyzed the history of the formation and development of bilateral Russian-Spanish relations in the context of their spiritual and cultural component, namely the activities of Orthodox parishes, priesthood on the Pyrenee peninsula at the indicated time. One way or another, the presence of the parish church testified to the strengthening of Russian-Spanish relations. The author of the article, based on a civilizational approach, discusses the spiritual and cultural mission of the most prominent priests who served in Spain, such as Fr. Konstantin Kustodiev, about. John (Shakhovskaya), Hieromonk Arseny (Sokolov). They acted as researchers of the features of Spanish Catholicism, national cultural and religious traditions, conveyed their sympathy for the object of study in publications to the Russian reader and made a lot to strengthen horizontal friendly ties with the Spaniards. A change in state-confessional relations on the 1978 Constitution and the proclamation of the principle of freedom of conscience made the legal existence of the Russian Orthodox parish, along with the parishes of other Orthodox nationalities in Spain. But the issue of their legal status is still not completely regulated, and we hope that the coverage of the issue of the history of Russian Orthodoxy in Spain will create the basis for its full resolution.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2024;(1 (122)):181‒193
181‒193
Direct and Digital Democracy in the Ideology and Politics of the Five Star Movement
Abstract
The article analyses the role of direct and e-democracy in the ideology and political practice of the Italian populist party Five Star Movement (M5S). Founded as a party in 2009, Movement stood out among European populists with its pronounced leftgreen agenda aimed at solving local problems of an urban nature. However, an even more remarkable feature of the Five Stars has become an equally clearly noticeable technoutopianism mixed with direct democracy, which argues for the need to expand democratic participation for ordinary citizens through the tools of direct democracy and digital technologies. Based on the study of primary sources (party documents, Beppe Grillo's blog and the official party blog), as well as text media materials, an attempt is made to trace how during two periods of activity of Five Star Movement in 2013–2022 the attitude of the party leaders to the role of direct and electronic democracy in the political activity of Five Stars gradually changed. The article analyses changes in Five Star Movement’s organisational structure and tools of the e-democracy in the course of the development of the party and its institutionalisation into the Italian party-political system. The article concludes that with the process of Five Stars’ incorporation into the political regime, the party has pushed technoutopianism out of its agenda and practice, strengthening party centralisation. Thus, innovative practices in the digitalisation of the political process did not lead to a real expansion of democratic participation, but were subordinated to a party discipline.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2024;(1 (122)):194‒205
194‒205
Turkish Gas Hub: Opportunities for Europe and Turkey
Abstract
The article examines the factors that have an impact on the implementation of the international gas hub project in Turkey. Upon successful completion of construction, the Turkish hub will become an alternative pricing center in South-Eastern Europe. It will allow to diversify gas imports to the European Union and stabilise supplies. In addition to obtaining a new supply route, the EU will be able to return to the purchase of Russian gas, bypassing its own sanctions. Due to the hub, a “Turkish gas mix” will be formed, which makes it possible for Europe to purchase it without political risks. The objectives of the study include determining the conditions that are necessary for this project. First, there must be a multitude of gas sources. Turkey needs to increase its own productions and to ensure stable supplies through existing and potential pipelines from Iran, Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan. Besides these routes, Turkey needs LNG terminals that will diversify export routes. Such a variety of different sources of imports makes it possible to avoid the dominance of one supplier and create competitive conditions, which are necessary for the formation of a gas hub. The aim of the research is to assess the possibility of creating a Turkish gas hub. The article can be used for a deeper study of factors influencing this project, as well as, for reassessing the possibility of its implementation in case of new circumstances.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2024;(1 (122)):206‒215
206‒215