No 2(859) (2025)

In the early 2020s, there was a decline in trade ties in the military-technical cooperation between Russia and India. The objective of this article is to analyze the effects of political processes on the dynamics of military-technical cooperation (MTC) between Russia and India in the early 2020s. The article considers both external and internal factors influencing defense cooperation. Particular attention is paid to changes in the military-political situation around India, as well as domestic political trends, such as the desire for autonomy and hedging risks for its own defense industry. To achieve this goal, the article uses neoclassical realism as the main theoretical paradigm. This approach allows analyzing the foreign policy actions of states at the intersection of the systemic and domestic political levels. The article also applies defensive realism as interpreted by K. Waltz and S. Walt to analyze the ratio of material potentials and threat assessment. The main research methods are the analysis of statements by officials, statistics on arms supplies, which allows correlating both quantitative and qualitative indicators. The results of the study show that the decline in military-technical cooperation between Russia and India is due to several systemic and conjectural factors. The growth of Indian-Chinese and Indian-Pakistani contradictions is superimposed on the mistrust of Russian-Chinese rapprochement, accelerating the process of India's reorientation towards Western countries. This trend is combined with long-term programs for the development of national production launched in India in the 2010s, as well as the desire to reduce the country's vulnerability to possible sanctions for cooperation with Russia. Despite the negative trends, Russia and India will continue to view each other as long-term partners in the defense sector due to long-term strategic interests in creating a polycentric order, the presence of a high share of Soviet and Russian military-industrial complex in India, and the growth of Russian advanced arms exports after the conflict in Ukraine.

Relevance. The work provides an answer to the questions of how the Chinese political class is reinventing the Arctic in order to: 1) consolidate the polar views of its own population; 2) manifest China’s special rights to the Far North in order to challenge the existing Arctic hierarchies in the sphere of international relations. The purpose of the paper is to study the doctrine efforts of the Chinese authorities aimed at promoting China’s interests in the polar region; to identify how China gains freedom of action in the Arctic in the “Post-February” world. Scientific novelty: the article calls into question the generally accepted thesis that Beijing’s comprehensive approach to the polar mega-region is based on the one adopted by China in 2018 the “White Book of the Arctic”. In order to get closer to a better understanding of Beijing’s Arctic policy, the author explores a little-studies aspect of this process – the ideological creativity of the Chinese political and intellectual elite in relation to the far North. Materials and methods: official documents of the People's Republic of China, texts of speeches by Chinese officials and experts, first-hand data from Chinese specialists while working at Shanghai universities in 2014 and 2023. Cognitive models of constructivism and "critical geopolitics" have become theoretical guidelines for understanding new aspects of Chinese Arctic policy. The results of the study. The ideological creativity of Chinese scientists, officials and the military has prepared China's official polar doctrines and strategies, including the Arctic White Paper. The Russian-Ukrainian conflict, which opened the era of "Post-February" in world politics, became a moment of "strategic opportunity" for the PRC. Moscow's willingness to challenge the international order make it a natural ally of China in the Arctic.

This article presents an analysis of the particularities of the usage of the Global South term in the BRICS discourse. The purpose of the study is to assess the possibility of developing a unified approach to the concept of the "Global South" within the BRICS. The research methods employed include Yue Shengsong's model of ideational projection and discourse efficiency evaluation, as well as elements of discourse analysis and historical-genetic method. Yue Shengsong's model describes the process of competition between the leader state and rising powers for the formation of a discursive system. The present study utilizes it to identify the potential of the BRICS states as new actors in the conceptualization of the "Global South". Features of discourse analysis are present in determining the approaches of the BRICS members to the "Global South" based on the Association's Summit Declarations. The historical-genetic method is used to identify the reasons for the emergence of new interpretations of the concept of the "Global South" in historical perspective. This study demonstrates that a common approach to defining the "Global South" has not been formed within the BRICS. The BRICS members have different ways of its conceptualization: the article distinguishes at least three approaches to interpreting the "Global South". The re-emergence of the term in the BRICS discourse is subject to the political will of Brazil, India and South Africa, interested in promoting the agenda of the "Global South", and the consensus among the BRICS states on the content of said agenda in order to advance it at an international level.

The article examines China's key concepts and initiatives in global ocean governance. It is noted that the idea of global governance currently plays an important role in China's foreign policy and its positioning on the world stage, which reflects China's responsible approach to solving global problems and its desire for leadership in the global public goods market. An important place in this process is occupied by the implementation of the idea of global ocean governance, the essence of which lies in China's call for the transformation of ocean governance mechanisms and the unification of countries to solve global problems of the World Ocean. The article examines the main concepts related to global ocean governance, which are a maritime community with a shared future, a marine ecological civilization, as well as important maritime cooperation projects, such as the Maritime Silk Road and the Blue Partnership. The purpose of the article is to analyse China's concepts and initiatives in the field of global ocean governance and to assess their contribution to global development.

The relevance of this article is determined by the continuity between the historical past and the present country. Understanding social motives, meanings, goals of civil construction in the Soviet Union is necessary for the prospects for the further development of Russia. The purpose of the study is the consistent assimilation of Soviet historical experience, which was accumulated by the country as a result of the construction of grandiose civil structures. They had not only industrial, but also social significance. The new buildings of the former era met the social conditions for the construction of a communist society. The methodological basis of the study is a set of general scientific and special historical approaches to historical material. The study is based on problem-historical analysis, taking into account the social conditions of that time. The general method was used for structural-functional analysis of the collected information. An important role was played by a retrospective method that reproduces events in their historical development and revealing the studied phenomena in their dynamics, features and contradictions. The contradictions of the design of the international red stadium in the 1920s, the ideological conditionality of the unique sports complex, which was to be the first powerful experimental base for conducting mass physical education and sports work, and the practical embodiment of the program of physical education of a new person, are investigated. Analysis of the design of the stadium allows us to judge it as a place intended not only for sports activities not only for the physical recovery of workers. The young Soviet state was planned to build stadiums to create foci of culture and educate the creative activity of Soviet citizens. The international-political nature of the stadium was supposed to manifest itself in campaigning for large masses of citizens.

The purpose of the article is to familiarize with the activities of the leadership of the Northwestern Front, the 1st and 2nd armies, which are part of it, as well as the corps and divisions of these armies on the interaction of troops during the East Prussian operation. The use of basic modern research methods such as historical-systemic and historical-typological has allowed for the study of a fairly large number of historical documents of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief's Headquarters, the Northwestern Front, the headquarters of the 1st and 2nd armies and some of the corps and divisions that make up them. The study shows the importance and role of the coordination of the actions of the armies among themselves, the impact of the coordination of the actions of their leadership, headquarters, and, consequently, the actions of the troops on achieving the objectives of the operation. Examples of coordination of efforts between various governing bodies, armies, corps and divisions in the course of combat operations are given sequentially according to the days of the operation and the directions of the troops' actions. It shows the difficulties in maintaining interaction according to the stages of development of operations (when advancing to the state border, engaging in combat, conducting combat operations, exiting combat, exiting encirclement, retreating to other lines, and switching to defensive operations). Documents are disclosed that make it possible to determine the actions of commanders (commanders, chiefs) and their staffs at all stages of operations (combat operations), the components of maintaining interaction and the techniques used in this process. Based on the reviewed historical and analytical documents: conclusions are drawn about the content and sequence of achieving sustainable maintenance of the interaction of troops, their components and techniques for coordinating the efforts of various branches of the armed forces at all stages of the East Prussian operation, and, if necessary, its restoration; the causes of these violations during the conduct of the operation have been determined. In addition, conclusions are drawn about the impact and role of organized interaction prior to the start of the operation on its maintenance and recovery during the course of the operation.

This article examines the evolution of Spanish foreign policy at the beginning of the 21st century, with an emphasis on the changes that occurred after September 11, 2001. This moment was a key point for Spanish foreign policy, leading to a sharp turn from the previously established continuity in the field of international politics towards setting priorities based on the current political situation. Spain focused on cooperation with the United States, which, although it contributed to strengthening its position in the international arena, led to a deterioration in relations with both the countries of the European Union and Latin America, with which it maintained close historical ties. To conduct this study, the author used qualitative methods of analysis, including a review of historical documents, research of expert opinions, biographical studies of leading Spanish politicians and a comparative analysis of reports from specialized think tanks. The study identified the main goals of Spain's foreign policy: increasing international weight and gaining more influence within the EU, securing its southern borders, restoring influence in Latin American countries and establishing closer ties with the United States through Spanish-speaking communities. However, the steps that need to be taken to implement it not only negatively affect other areas of foreign policy but are also perceived negatively by citizens within the country, which led to a decline in the popularity of the People's Party and loss in the next elections.

The present article seeks to critically reevaluate the concept of "youth" through the lenses of sociological, legal, and economic discourses. The significance of this research stems from the existing inconsistencies and ambiguities surrounding the definition of youth within scientific literature, which complicates the formulation of effective policies aimed at supporting this demographic and facilitating their integration into society. The primary objective of this study is to conceptualize the term "youth" by employing methodological tools such as discourse and content analysis. Discourse analysis enables the examination of youth as a social construct shaped by cultural, political, and economic influences, while also allowing for an exploration of how various discourses contribute to public perceptions of youth. Conversely, content analysis provides a framework for gathering data on the representation of youth individuals in academic texts and official documents, thereby identifying key shifts in definitions over time. The findings of this study indicate that the concept of "youth" cannot be confined to a singular definition; rather, it encompasses a diverse array of interpretations influenced by multiple factors. Each academic discipline contributes unique insights that enhance the overall understanding of youth, underscoring its critical importance as a developmental stage. The study concludes that an integrated approach is essential for achieving a comprehensive understanding of youth. Such an approach is particularly pertinent in the context of rapid social transformations driven by globalization and digitalization. Furthermore, this perspective paves the way for future research, highlighting the necessity of interdisciplinary collaboration in the exploration of youth social dynamics, as well as the development of practical initiatives in the realms of youth policy and social work.

The article examines the key criteria and factors that determine social differentiation in modern Russian society. The study is based on three interrelated areas: the influence of the level of education on the social status of various population groups, the impact of regional economic differences on stratification processes, and the role of cultural capital in shaping the social status of representatives of Russian society. Based on empirical data, it was found that education remains one of the main instruments of social mobility, but its effectiveness depends on the economic context of the region. Differences in gross regional product, employment levels, and incomes determine the degree of social stability and the degree of stratification of the population. In addition, active involvement

in the cultural sphere and the presence of broad social ties correlate with high social status. This confirms the importance of intangible (ideal) resources in social stratification. The results of the study contribute to the further development of the theory of social differentiation. The results of the study also allow us to formulate practical recommendations for social policy aimed at reducing inequality and increasing the level of social justice.

The article examines the phenomenon of private tutoring in the context of modern secondary schools. Its relevance stems from the global spread of this practice, from Asia to Europe and North America, and its impact on education quality and social inequality. In Russia, despite the scale of the phenomenon of private tutoring, there is no unified system for its regulation, which requires a comprehensive scientific understanding and the development of a balanced public policy. The study focuses on foreign language teachers, who are the most active players in the tutoring market due to the specific nature of their subject and the high demand for additional classes. The methodological basis of the work consists of Rosstat statistics for 2014-2024, the results of large-scale all-Russian surveys (N = 880 in 2021 and N = 400 in 2024) among foreign language teachers, as well as a comparative analysis of international experience. The author identifies a complex system of motivation for teachers, including not only financial factors (47 % of respondents note higher wages compared to school), but also the desire for professional self-realization (63 % of teachers appreciate the possibility of an individual approach to students), as well as the desire to avoid bureaucratic burden and work according to modern methods. The author presents a set of practical recommendations, such as the creation of a national database of tutors, the implementation of a voluntary certification system, the development of professional standards, the provision of tax incentives, and the integration of effective teaching methods into school curricula. The author emphasizes the need to shift from a policy of prohibitions to a strategy of regulated integration of tutoring, which would minimize social risks, such as increased educational inequality, while improving the overall quality of education through the use of private tutoring.